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All Listings. Accepts Offers. Buy It Now. Item Location. Canada Only. North America. Shipping Options. While the important unit for us is clauses, we kept track of full sentence boundaries in case that information would reveal differences between interviews and narratives. We enrich these data with examples of V-initial clauses in the other videos when appropriate. We dub the Libras interviewer simply Libras-Int, since there was one interviewer for all interviews.
These three appear in separate sentences, given in 7 — 9. The predicate of interest is boldfaced. In 8 the initial predicate is the nominal tradition. Again, this V-initial clause is consistent with our hypothesis. While both predicates of interest in 7 — 8 are intensional, 9 is different. Likewise, in our three other Libras interviews, there were examples of V- initial clauses with seem and tradition, consistent with our hypothesis.
Further, we found happen in the interview with the interviewee we dub Libras-Andre, shown in But the clause of interest is the medial one, which begins with presentational have, consistent with our proposal. Additionally, we found sentences open to two possible analyses, where one is of interest to us. The interviewer uses this same predicate in other interviews. Thus we offer a characterization of the data in the entire Auslan video by number of clauses in each sentence and then total number of sentences in Table 8.
Here there is only one signer—the narrator. All three such clauses just happened to occur in a single sentence judging from paralinguistic character- istics , shown in We have boldfaced the three relevant Vs. The initial real is our matrix predicate V1 and it takes a coordinated embedded clause as its subject argument the conjuncts being S3 and S8.
Com- parably to how the coordinators for disjunction in various spoken languages can appear between the two disjuncts or in front of each as in English Charles or Fred, as well as either Charles or Fred, and in Italian Carlo o Federico, as well as o Carlo o Federico , so can the coordinator b-u-t, here appearing in front of each conjunct. Tree and bracketed analysis of So with either analysis, catch is the V of S6 , the lowest clause within the subject complement of that have V3. Then comes another instance of have V5 , standing alone as its own clause S7 with no phonologically expressed argument.
The predicate of S8 consists of the modal cannot and its complement, whose V is come. So the sentence in 15 has a coordination of S3 and S8 as well as much subordination S6 is embedded within S5 , which is embedded within S4.
Addi- tionally, S7 simply stands as a sister to S4 ; that is, we have a juxtaposition of mutually independent clauses for discussion of parataxis, see Lehmann ; for examples in Italian Sign Language, see Volterra et al. Fortunately, the debat- able details for the analysis of 15 are not pertinent to the main issue of this chapter.
The two instances of real V1 and V2 are both predicates that take a whole event as their subject—and that are initial in their clauses. They tell us the following event expressed as their sentential subject is true—it really happened.
All of these instances of V-initial clauses are expected, given our hypothesis. Notice that the second instance of have V5 , standing alone in S7 , has a subject understood from context rather than manually articulated.
So it does not meet the criteria for being considered a V-initial clause in the sense used here. A small handful of examples of V-initial clauses came up in the narratives in the other three languages.
We now discuss them, where the translations into English here and the translations into the ambient spoken languages in our Appendix C are from the ELAN transcriptions for those languages we do not know. We labeled the node above S4 and S7 an S S3 , so that this conjunct would have the same label as its sister conjunct S8.
In the latter analysis, this example is consistent with our hypothesis. So idea plus the clause telling what the idea is might be the object of think. However, the signer shifts from the role of narrator into the role of the shep- herd boy before idea is articulated. We found no other clauses among the narratives that had a potential analysis as starting with a V. We also examined the data, however, for whether the same Vs that occur in initial position can appear in other positions with the same scene-setting sense.
Here we give the details on Libras. We have given the transla- tion that seems the best to us. Scene-setter Hypothesis for Sign Languages Strong Version : A clause begins with a V if and only if the V serves as a scene-setter We hesitate, however, because of the placement of the modal verb cannot in 15 ; it does not occur in clause-initial position, but, rather, is preceded by peo- ple, despite being a scene-setter.
So if the strong version of our hypothesis holds, auxiliaries might form a systematic exception. We leave the question open. Finally, we note two differences between dialogue and narrative in this very limited study, differences that call for future research.
First, comparing Tables 8. This seems expected, given that interviews are a turn- taking situation while in narratives, the narrator can keep stringing one utter- ance along. So perhaps turn-taking does not lead to a tendency for fewer clauses in a sentence, after all. Second, scene-setter predicates were scattered throughout the interviews; not so in the narratives.
In the interviews, each participant appeared to want to coax the other along to understand where they were going in a series of questions that led in many different directions, so scene-setters smoothed the way—acting as transitions.
In the narratives, the narrator led the audience from one event to the next, connected event, with simple presentations of episodes, except for points that were big plot shifts, where the shift was the focus of the narrative. There were two such plot shifts in this story.
One was when the boy decided to play a trick on the villagers. The other was when a real wolf showed up and the boy panicked. So the scene-setters here make the audience sit up and pay attention. Again, this difference between the interviews and the narratives seems expected, given what this particular interview was about getting to know someone and what this particular narrative was about a story with a turning point and a surprise ending.
Further, in these data sets, the converse holds, but only if we set aside auxiliary verbs: if a V serves as a scene-setter, it precedes its arguments.
This study is one more piece of evidence for the alignment of semantics with syntax in sign languages, where visualization is the key: scene-setters appear in initial position because they set up a broad understanding of how we are to interpret the event that we are about to visualize. Sign languages appear to follow a sensible communication principle: if you can make the visuals line up with meaning, do it. For exam- ple, in 20a we see a question with an understood second person subject; in 20b we see a predication of a third person discourse referent.
In 21d we have a predication of a third person discourse referent. In a verb-sandwich the VP has the form VOV, where the two Vs are the same lexical item per- haps in different morphological forms, such as different aspects or they are distinct lexical items that are close in sense Fischer and Janis That is, both Vs refer to the same action in a single event. While verb-sandwiches occur in at least some of the languages in the present study for Auslan, see Johnston et al.
So we remark on verb-sandwiches simply as a caution to others looking at the phenomenon of V-initial clauses. A typical one we found in Libras is given in Also in here are three clauses in which the V is a modal can, positive or negative.
Two of these were in sentences that were analyzed as having two clauses, and one was in a sentence analyzed as having seven clauses. Additionally, some clauses had repeated Vs, but none of them raised prob- lems for our hypothesis.
One of these was in a three-clause sentence. The other three-clause sentence had a clause that contained a verb-sandwich i. One of the four-clause sentences presented the same situation. Aspects of the Syntax of American Sign Language. PhD diss. Boston University, Boston. Alexandria, Egypt: Independently published.
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Edmondson and Fred Karlsson Eds. Hamburg, Germany: Signum. Clark, Herbert H. Comprehension and the Given-new Contract. In Roy O. Freedle Ed. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Coerts, Jane. Constituent Order in Sign Language of the Netherlands.
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